Why Australia needs stronger consumer laws to stop dangerous products being sold online

[Editor’s note: A version of this posting appears on The Conversation blog.[1] 日本語版 Japanese translation appears below.]

The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) has sued Amazon for having kids’ backpacks sold on its online platform, containing illegal and unsafe button batteries.[2] It has also issued takedown notices to Amazon, eBay, Kogan and Fruugo over concerns some of their products may contain small, high-powered magnets banned under Australian law.[3]

This flurry of regulatory action has come just before independent consumer advocacy group Choice lodged a “super” complaint about unsafe products generally on online platforms, requiring the ACCC to investigate and respond within 90 days.[4]

Meanwhile, can we consumers be confident products we buy online are safe? Not really.
The Australian Consumer Law (ACL) still lacks a General Safety Provision, as in the EU since 1992 and other Asia-Pacific states (eg Malaysia, Canada and Thailand) requiring suppliers to ensure only safe products are put on the market. A public consultation from 2019 stalled, despite e-commerce burgeoning since the pandemic.[5]

Instead the ACL (Part 3-3) allows mandatory safety standards to be set for specific products. But this takes time even after serious accidents start to be reported, and Australia has only 50 such standards.[6] Even for those products (often for babies or kids), suppliers quite often still deal with them – until caught out through occasional checks by regulators or NGOs like Choice,[7] whereupon suppliers implement voluntary recalls. Both problems are evident with button batteries, subject to a mandatory standard from 2022 after multiple deaths and injuries for babies ingesting them.[8] This ACCC lawsuit is belatedly trying to make firms take mandatory safety standards more seriously.

So what about the thousands of other consumer products? Regulators have further powers to ban or force recalls of unsafe products once already sold. But this too usually only happens after many serious accidents.

Suppliers can also be indirectly incentivised to deal in safe products out of fear of compensation claims by consumers, although again only after accidents. One avenue involves claiming breach of the mandatory consumer guarantee of acceptable quality, including safety (ACL s54), against direct sellers and/or manufacturers and some importers. The second is strict product liability (ACL Part 3-5), modelled on the 1985 EU Directive (also now adopted in many Asian economies), only imposed on manufacturers and importers. 

Generally, to be impactful such claims need credible access to justice for harmed consumers. Yet individually small-scale harms are not worth consumers bringing even before tribunals. Regulators almost never use their ACL powers (ss 149, 277) to sue on their behalf. Class action lawyers only bring the biggest and easiest claims, plus then mostly settle them (leaving few precedents for other suppliers to use to up their game).

A specific limitation is that online platforms like Amazon have argued (even in the US) that they are mere intermediaries – not even sellers, let alone manufacturers.[9] The recently revised EU Directive (2024/2853) tries to fill this gap for platforms. It deems them also manufacturers if presenting products leads an average consumer to believe the platform itself or a trader under its control is the supplier.[10] But the platform might avoid such joint liability through disclaimers, which consumers might not understand even if prominently displayed.[11]

Another way to encourage firms generally to take more care regarding product safety is to argue that they are engaged in misleading or deceptive conduct in trade (ACL s18) by continuing to offer goods that they know are subject to consumer complaints about product-related accidents. This premise was seemingly accepted in an ACCC lawsuit against Woolworths, but only to then contest the extent of the fine imposed for non-compliance with mandatory accident reporting obligations added to the ACL from 2010.[12] It is unclear if the ACCC’s current action against Amazon adds this argument, and perhaps anyway Amazon will say there were not yet reports of accidents or it didn’t know about them. But similar claims have been made in the US under broader prohibitions on unfair commercial practices (also found in the EU since 2005, and being added belatedly now to the ACL[13]).

Instead the ACCC’s lawsuit reportedly alleges that Amazon commercially “possesses or has control of” products violating the button battery standard (ACL s194(3)), through its warehousing etc. This neatly avoids having to prove that Amazon was a product “supplier” or “manufacturer”.

Hopefully therefore Amazon and other online platforms will already get the message to work harder to monitor (especially thanks to AI developments) the safety of products put onto the Australian market. It shouldn’t be too hard to ensure they comply with the 50 product-specific standards, and are not being voluntarily recalled. Amazon is already supposed to be doing this under a voluntary Safety Pledge, modelled on an EU innovation.[14]

But a revised EU Regulation (2023/988) has made mandatory a more intense version of that Pledge, and added other duties on traders (eg around recalls).[15] To make sure Australian consumers stay safe, in parallel with this lawsuit, Australia governments should review its ACL in light of both that Regulation and the EU’s revised Product Liability Directive. They should also revive a consultation on a General Safety Provision. Prevention is usually better than cure.

「なぜオーストラリアはオンラインで販売される危険な製品を阻止するために、より強力な消費者法を必要としているのか」

【編集者注:本稿は The Conversation ブログに掲載されたものの一版である。】

オーストラリア競争・消費者委員会(ACCC)は、オンラインプラットフォーム上で販売された子供用バックパックに、違法かつ安全でないボタン電池が含まれていたとして、Amazon を提訴した。また、ACCCは、Amazon、eBay、Kogan および Fruugo に対し、オーストラリア法で禁止されている小型高出力マグネットを含む製品があるとの懸念から、削除通知(テイクダウンノーティス)を発出した。

こうした一連の規制措置は、独立系消費者擁護団体 Choice がオンラインプラットフォーム上の安全でない製品全般について「スーパー」苦情(designated complaint)を申し立てる直前に行われたものであり、同苦情により ACCC は90日以内に調査・回答することが義務付けられる。

では、消費者として、オンラインで購入する製品が安全であると確信できるだろうか。残念ながら、そうとは言えない。

オーストラリア消費者法(ACL)には、EUで1992年以来存在し、アジア太平洋諸国(マレーシア、カナダ、タイなど)でも採用されている「一般安全規定」(General Safety Provision, GSP)がいまだ欠けている。GSPは、供給者が安全な製品のみを市場に流通させることを義務付けるものである。2019年に公開協議が開始されたが、パンデミック以降の電子商取引の急速な拡大にもかかわらず、その協議は頓挫した。

その代わりに、ACL(第3-3部)は、特定の製品について強制安全基準を定めることを認めている。しかし、重大な事故が報告され始めてから基準が設定されるまでには時間がかかり、オーストラリアにはそうした基準が50件しか存在しない。それらの製品(多くは乳幼児・子供向け)についてさえ、供給者は規制当局やChoice等のNGOによる不定期の検査で発覚するまで、違反品を取り扱い続けることが少なくない。発覚後に供給者が任意リコール(自主回収)を実施するのが通例である。

上記の両問題は、ボタン電池においても顕著である。ボタン電池については、乳幼児が誤飲して複数の死傷事故が発生した後、2022年に強制安全基準が導入された。今回のACCCによる訴訟は、事業者に強制安全基準をより真剣に受け止めさせることを遅ればせながら試みるものである。

では、その他何千もの消費者製品についてはどうか。規制当局は、すでに販売された安全でない製品を禁止したり、強制リコールを命じたりする権限を有する。しかし、これも通常は多数の重大事故が発生した後にようやく行使される。

供給者はまた、消費者による損害賠償請求を恐れて安全な製品を取り扱うよう間接的にインセンティブを与えられることもあるが、やはり事故発生後に限られる。第一の請求手段は、直接の販売者および/または製造者・一部の輸入者に対し、安全性を含む「許容しうる品質」の強制的消費者保証(ACL第54条)違反を主張する方法である。第二は、厳格製品責任(ACL第3-5部)であり、1985年のEU指令をモデルとして(アジア諸国でも多く採用されている)、製造者と輸入者にのみ課される。

一般に、こうした請求が実効性を持つには、被害を受けた消費者が信頼しうる司法アクセスを有することが必要である。しかし、個々の被害が小規模である場合、消費者は審判所(tribunal)にすら提訴する価値がないと考えがちである。規制当局は消費者に代わって訴訟を提起する ACL 上の権限(第149条、第277条)をほとんど行使しない。クラスアクション(集団訴訟)の弁護士は最大規模かつ容易な案件のみを引き受け、しかもその大半を和解で解決する(そのため、他の供給者が安全性向上に活用できる判例がほとんど残らない)。

特有の限界として、Amazon のようなオンラインプラットフォームは(米国においてさえ)、自らは単なる仲介者(intermediary)であり、販売者にも製造者にも当たらないと主張してきた。最近改正されたEU指令(2024/2853)は、プラットフォームについてこの法的空白を埋めようとしている。同指令は、製品を提示することが平均的消費者にプラットフォーム自体またはその管理下の取引業者が供給者であると信じさせる場合、当該プラットフォームも製造者とみなすこととしている。ただし、プラットフォームは免責条項(disclaimer)を通じてこの共同責任を回避しうる可能性があり、そうした免責条項は目立つように表示されたとしても消費者が理解できるとは限らない。

事業者に製品安全についてより注意を払わせるもう一つの方法は、当該事業者が製品関連事故に関する消費者からの苦情を知りつつ商品を提供し続けることが、取引における「誤認を招くまたは欺瞞的な行為」(ACL第18条)に該当すると主張することである。この前提は、ACCCがWoolworthsに対して提起した訴訟において事実上受け入れられたが、それは2010年にACLに追加された強制事故報告義務違反に対する制裁金の程度を争う文脈においてのみであった。ACCCの現在のAmazonに対する訴訟にこの主張が加えられているかは不明であり、おそらくAmazonは事故報告がまだなかった、または自社が事故を認知していなかったと反論するであろう。しかし、米国ではより広範な「不公正な商慣行」の禁止(EUでも2005年以来存在し、オーストラリアのACLにも遅ればせながら現在追加されつつある)のもとで、同様の主張がなされてきた。

報道によれば、ACCCの訴訟は、Amazonが倉庫保管等を通じてボタン電池基準に違反する製品を商業的に「所持または管理している」(ACL第194条(3))と主張しているとされる。これはAmazonが製品の「供給者」や「製造者」であることを立証する必要性を巧みに回避するものである。

したがって、Amazonやその他のオンラインプラットフォームは、(特にAI技術の発展のおかげで)オーストラリア市場に流通させる製品の安全性をより積極的に監視せよというメッセージをすでに受け取ることになるであろう。50件の製品別基準への適合を確保し、自主回収対象となっていないことを確認するのは、それほど困難ではないはずである。AmazonはすでにEU発のイノベーションを模範とした自主的「安全誓約」(Safety Pledge)のもとでこれを行うことが期待されている。

しかし、改正されたEU規則(2023/988)は、その誓約のより厳格なバージョンを義務化し、取引業者にリコール等に関する追加的義務を課している。オーストラリアの消費者の安全を確保するためには、今回の訴訟と並行して、オーストラリア政府は同EU規則および改正EU製品責任指令の双方に照らしてACLを見直すべきである。また、一般安全規定に関する協議も再開すべきである。予防は通常、治療に勝るのである。

訳注(法学生向け):

  • ACCC(Australian Competition and Consumer Commission):オーストラリア競争・消費者委員会。連邦の消費者保護・競争法の執行機関。
  • ACL(Australian Consumer Law):オーストラリア消費者法。Competition and Consumer Act 2010 (Cth) の Schedule 2 として規定される統一消費者法。
  • 一般安全規定(GSP:供給者が市場に流通させるすべての製品が安全であることを義務付ける包括的な規制。EU では1992年の指令以来存在し、2023年の規則(EU 2023/988)で強化された。
  • スーパー苦情(designated complaint:英国の制度を参考に2024年にオーストラリアで導入された仕組み。認定された消費者団体がACCCに対し調査・公表を義務付ける苦情を申し立てられる。
  • クラスアクション:集団訴訟。オーストラリアでは Part IVA of the Federal Court of Australia Act 1976 等に基づく。
  • 厳格製品責任:製造者の過失を証明せずとも、製品の欠陥と損害の因果関係を示せば賠償を請求できる制度。1985年のEU製品責任指令がモデル。

[1] https://theconversation.com/profiles/luke-nottage-3037

[2] https://www.accc.gov.au/media-release/amazon-in-court-over-alleged-missing-button-battery-warnings-on-children%E2%80%99s-unicorn-backpacks

[3] https://www.accc.gov.au/media-release/accc-issues-takedown-requests-to-amazon-ebay-kogan-and-fruugo-for-toys-and-games-containing-potentially-deadly-small-magnets

[4] https://www.choice.com.au/shopping/consumer-rights-and-advice/your-rights/articles/stopping-the-rising-flood-of-dangerous-goods-from-shein-temu-aliexpress-and-more

[5] https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3530671

[6] https://www.productsafety.gov.au/business/search-mandatory-standards?layout=grid

[7] https://www.choice.com.au/babies-and-kids/children-and-safety/avoiding-common-dangers/articles/accc-takes-amazon-to-court-for-button-battery-safety-failures

[8] https://theconversation.com/rather-than-recalling-unsafe-products-why-not-ensure-theyre-safe-in-the-first-place-146988

[9] https://www.cbsnews.com/news/amazon-product-recalls-consumer-product-safety-commission/

[10] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/dir/2024/2853/oj/eng

[11] https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-and-comparative-law-quarterly/article/product-liability-and-online-marketplaces-comparison-and-reform/1CB76B1CD3951B6AF767A71E9BE5D032

[12] https://www.accc.gov.au/media-release/woolworths-misled-consumers-over-product-safety-hazards-%E2%80%93-ordered-to-pay-over-3-million-in-penalties

[13] https://consult.treasury.gov.au/c2026-739506

[14] https://www.productsafety.gov.au/about-us/online-product-safety-pledge

[15] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/reg/2023/988/oj/eng

Inquests and Consumer Product Safety

This the abstract of my forthcoming paper, based partly on participant observation of an inquest proceeding over 2019-21 in Sydney after the death of a Honda driver from an exploding Takata airbag that had not yet been replaced in a huge global recall. It will be be published in 49(3) UNSWLJ later this year. A pre-publication, author-produced version of the article, subject to editorial revision, is already freely available via SSRN.com . As noted in the Introduction, problems persist and for example hearings occurred in late 2025 in Singapore for an inquest into the death of a Honda driver from a Takata airbag.

‘The Interface of Inquests with Consumer Law and Policy: The Takata Airbag Debacle in Australia and Beyond’#

Luke Nottage

  1. Introduction
  2. Consumer Product Safety Re-regulation in Australia
  3. The Takata Airbag Debacle
  4. The Coronial Inquest (2019-2021)
  5. The Aftermath of the Inquest
  6. Other Consumer Product-related Inquests and Analogues Abroad
  7. Conclusions

Abstract: Unsafe Takata airbags remain in circulation, in Australia and worldwide, despite almost two decades of recalls and recent initiatives to improve consumer product safety regulation generally (Parts 1-3). The NSW coronial Inquest over 2019-2021 into Australia’s first known fatality in 2017 uncovered how Honda Australia and regulators were partly asleep at the wheel regarding voluntary recalls (Part 4). The fatality triggered a belated compulsory recall and legislative reform to allow the Transport Department such powers, both introduced in 2018, and by the end of the Inquest the Department was taking a clear lead role in vehicle recalls. The Inquest findings and recommendations for avoiding future harms from Takata airbag and other recalls, only released in November 2021, flew largely under the radar in the media but influenced some regulatory practices and could have had an impact on private litigation (Part 5). Such inquests and analogues overseas, little discussed in the legal literature, deserve wider scrutiny (Part 6). They can help identify serious product related risks and responses, assisting compensation claims and regulatory learning, while avoiding future harms and providing an extra resource for consumer product safety law reforms.


# I thank Sean Hasegawa for research and editorial assistance.  I am also grateful for helpful feedback and/or information from Simon Bronitt, Philip Dwyer, Sarouche Razi, Damian Scattini, Cameron Stewart and two anonymous reviewers. Any misconceptions and errors remain my sole responsibility.

Rising and misleading electricity bills

So far in 2025, Japan has seen minor increases in electricity prices from April (partly after comparatively small subsidies were suspended) and minor decreases from July (as they are reinstated). But Australia will see yet another much higher hike as its new financial year begins from July. The ABC, Australia’s equivalent of NHK, ran a segment on this for a news report on its 730 TV news show on 30 June 2025. The broadcast incorporated parts of an interview with me at home (plus some nice drone footage), including my recommendation that an energy supplier should automatically put their customers on any better plan – as I discussed a year ago here.

The news report also mentioned that I had complained through Choice (Australia’s peak NGO for consumers) to the consumer regulator about my electricity bills. That triggered Choice’s empirical inquiry uncovering widespread allegedly misleading bills being issued by Australian electricity suppliers, contrary to s18 of the Australian Consumer Law. Choice has filed its first-ever “designated complaint” requiring the ACCC to investigate further and notify publically whether or not it will pursue suppliers for such violations. Here, via Choice’s announcement, are some more details of the problem:

“… Luke, an academic specialising in consumer law, had a similar experience with EnergyAustralia. He received a bill that was 31% higher than the same quarterly billing period a year earlier, even though his energy usage hadn’t changed. 

The bill said he could save $617 a year if he switched to the ‘Flexi Plan (Home)’ offer, which was the name of his current plan. Apparently he should have switched to this new version of the plan earlier. 

“Eventually I got through to someone at EnergyAustralia and discovered they had a new plan with the same name but better terms,” Luke says. “I couldn’t resist telling them I think their bill’s wording is misleading.” 

Redesigning Consumer Law for the E-Commerce Era: Insights from Comparing Australia and Japan

Written by: Luke Nottage (University of Sydney) and Souichirou Kozuka (Gakushuin University, ANJeL-in-Japan program co-convenor)

Leading up to Australia’s federal election due by May 2025, the Commonwealth Treasury has (re-)initiated public consultations into reforms to the Australian Consumer Law (ACL), partly responding to the growth of e-commerce especially since the COVID-19 pandemic. Two main consultations in fields outlined below, compared to regimes in Japan, highlight some intriguing features for policy debate – extending also into the wider Asia-Pacific region.

First, unlike consumer laws in most jurisdictions across Asia, the ACL has already come to apply to many business-to-business (B2B) transactions. A typical economic argument is that this levels the playing field so businesses compete transparently and consumers have more trust in the market. However, there is a risk of individual consumers cross-subsidising through higher overall prices the businesses gaining similar protections. An additional political dynamic may be that Australia has often closely-fought elections, and many small businesses pressing for the same protection as individual consumers.

Secondly, the federal consumer affairs regulator, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) and State or Territory regulators also have comparatively strong enforcement powers. Thirdly, the ACL and some proposed reforms highlight whether consumer law can and should rely on generally worded standards, more specific rules, or both.

Australia’s Treasury last year renewed a consultation into whether the ACL should add further prohibitions on unfair commercial practices, to address burgeoning concerns such as ‘subscription traps’ (suppliers making it much harder to cancel subscriptions than to sign up). Such practices are not easily covered by the ACL’s prohibition on misleading conduct by any suppliers ‘in trade’ (hence also B2B, since the 1970s). Nor do they usually fall within the broadly worded prohibition on unconscionable conduct, taking advantage of particular vulnerable groups (gradually extended to B2B since the 1990s).

The latest Treasury-led proposal sought further views on adding both a general prohibition on unfair practices (for example as in the EU, but there limited to business-to-consumer or B2C transactions, ie involving an individual transacting with a supplier for a non-commercial purpose). It also discussed specific prohibitions (as with legislation recently added in Germany, the UK and the USA against subscription traps). Regulators like the ACCC would enforce such new prohibitions in both B2B and B2C situations, including through injunctions, as for unconscionable or misleading conduct and specific types of prohibited misrepresentations.

Japan’s comparable regime instead regulates only B2C transactions and has come to preference specific prohibitions. The Consumer Contracts Act 2000 allows consumers to cancel contracts arising from some types of misrepresentations, plus various very specific situations of unconscionable advantage-taking. Business associations argue that a broader general provision would be very hard to comply with.

Extra challenges for consumers arise because injunctions against suppliers’ bad advertising and practices leading into contracts can only be brought through government-certified consumer NGOs. This system was inspired by German law but Japan’s NGOs are very small and under-resourced. Further, because the Consumer Contracts Act applies only B2C, it is hard to generate sufficient momentum among claimants, and hence case law.

The Consumer Affairs Agency, when established independently in 2009, assumed jurisdiction from the Japan Fair Trade Commission (the competition regulator) only to enforce the Act against Unjustifiable Premiums and Misleading Representations that prohibits representations promoting the quality of goods or services as ‘significantly superior’ or describing trade terms as ‘significantly more advantageous’ than they actually are.  Particular bad practices are also regulated by the Designated Commercial Transactions Act (as it was renamed from the Door-to door Sales Act in 2000), for example allowing ‘cooling off’ (withdrawal rights) for consumers in high-pressure situations like door-to-door selling or buying. Besides administrative orders now issued by the Agency, criminal penalties can be imposed for not providing contracts in writing or alerting consumers to such rights.

A second major Treasury consultation in Australia from 2024 asks for further views on whether regulators should be able to issue civil fines on suppliers failing to give ACL remedies for minimum performance standards in contracts (‘consumer guarantees’, as in New Zealand and Malaysia, but extending to some B2B situations). These require goods to be of ‘acceptable quality’ and services to be provided with due care. Since 2023, Australian regulators already have such a power to fine for first-time use of unfair terms in standard-form contracts. From 2016, regulation of such terms was extended to contracts with  ‘small business’, including now some medium-sized ones.

Adding such civil pecuniary penalties was seen as more effective than relying on injunctions to stop misuse of unfair terms, and/or consumers proving they are unfair so are void. This innovation, adding public sanctions, is despite Australia gradually introducing from the 1990s a US-style ‘opt-out’ class action system. That was premised on lawyers (perhaps with third-party litigation funders, allowed since 2006) might efficiently aggregate smaller value claims (such as excessive and therefore unfair bank fees). Yet even this regime seems to have been insufficient to prevent the spread of unfair terms, including in online businesses.

Japan’s Consumer Contracts Act similarly voids a few specific types of unfair terms. It does have also a general provision voiding others where contrary to good faith (ie unreasonable, compared to general Civil Code default provisions for contracts). However, business associations are opposed to listing in the Act even a ‘grey list’ of further contract terms that may be unfair, as in the ACL (and the EU law on unfair terms that influenced Australia, as well as partly Japan).

Furthermore, Japan’s Act again applies only B2C, although there is also some weak regulation of standard form terms extending to B2B under Civil Code amendments for contracts concluded after 2020. Injunctions to prevent misuse of unfair terms are only possible through certified NGOs, not consumer regulators, and the latter cannot issue fines. A class action regime introduced in 2013 also requires coordination through certified NGOs (not eg a law firm), and inefficiently requires individual consumers to opt-in to claim damages if and when a court finds liability for a class. Unsurprisingly, few claims have been made so far.

Despite these comparative limitations on consumer protection law in Japan, the practical outcomes in Australia may not be so different until recently, thanks to better customer service and reputational effects in Japan. However, the explosion in e-commerce and new types of marketing or practices, as well as possible transplantation of unfair terms into online contracts, may lead to a stronger message being sent to Japan (and Asian countries like Singapore, similarly lacking a broad unfair practices prohibition). This could be achieved by law reforms extending protections to some B2B situations, beefing up generally worded and/or specific prohibitions, expanding powers of regulators (for injunctions and even fines), and/or moving to a US-style opt-out class action system. However, the compliance costs and chilling effects on business innovation also need to be weighed carefully.

Regulating ‘subscription traps’ and other unfair commercial practices

Happy New Year of the Snake!

In my presentation on 5 December 2024 at the annual Australasian Consumer Law Roundtable, hosted by Deakin U in Melbourne’s CBD, presented an updated version of my 2024 CCLJ article with Prof Souichirou Kozuka comparing consumer law administration, contracts and product safety. I mentioned my Submissions (linked below) to three recent federal Treasury-led public consultations (perhaps prompted by a general election due by May 2025!) into (i) facilitating the Australian government adopting foreign standards for minimum safety of specific goods, (ii) adding civil pecuniary penalties for consumer guarantee remedies not provided by suppliers (including regarding safety, as an aspect of “acceptable quality” for goods), and (iii) a generic unfair commercial practices prohibition. Japanese consumer law has none of these features, but each raises interesting issues.

Relatedly on 6 January 2025, perhaps a slow day for the news (after the excitement of Australia winning a test cricket series against India!), I was quoted in an ABC article focusing specifically on Subscription Traps, whereby suppliers make it easy for consumers to sign up (sometimes including “free trials”) but hard to cancel subscriptions. This led to a 3AW radio morning interview (7-minute recording here) with Tony Jones in Melbourne, where I talked about the trap experienced with The Economist (elaborated in my Submission available here for the first Treasury-led consultation in 2023 on adding a general unfair trading prohibition to the Australian Consumer Law, and in this 21 August 2024 interview with SBS Radio: podcast and transcript here). And then an ABC Radio interview (14-minute recording here) with Lisa Pelligrino in Sydney, where I talked in a spirit of bilateral fairness about the trap experienced more recently with The Japan Times.

Momentum seems to be building for ACL amendments to regulate generally against unfair trading practices, and specific practices such as subscription traps, adding to the chorus of concern expressed also eg at the annual Consumer Law Congress in mid-2024.

“Rule-based International Traceability of Critical Raw Materials Supply Chains”

Written by: A/Prof Jeanne Huang & Prof Luke Nottage

This is the theme for our project (with Jeanne Huang as one Chief Investigator) funded recently by the University of Sydney, jointly with institutional partner Fudan University (Shanghai). The sub-theme is “Climate and Environmental Justice between China, Australia, and Other Selected Countries”, including Japan. It is part of series of research projects aimed at advancing the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and involves also from our Sydney Business School Prof Hans Hendrischke (specialist in China). The other Chief Investigator from the Fudan University side is A/Prof Ping Jiang, assistant director of the Department of Environment Science and Engineering.

Abstract: “The US Inflation Reduction Act and the EU Digital Product Passport both underscore the urgent need for enhanced Environmental, Social, and Governance data traceability across Australian miners, Chinese processors, and US/EU regulators and consumers of critical raw materials (CRM) like Lithium. Addressing this need, this project explores how to establish a rule-based traceability framework to foster sustainable CRM supply chains between Australia, China, the US, and the EU. It adopts a multifaceted approach, incorporating law-business-engineering interdisciplinary research, interviews, case studies, conflict-of-law concepts, and comparative law methodology to address cross-border legal and ethical tensions and promote circular economy within CRM supply chains. It aims to use traceability to enhance transparency, visibility, and trust in CRM supply chains, and promote responsible sourcing and consumption, crucial for global digitalization, electric vehicles deployment, energy transition, and ultimately achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals.”

The first of many planned research outputs planned through to mid-2025 is our presentation (slides here) on 12 July 2024 at the “Law and Sustainability” conference at the University of Sydney, co-organised with Singapore Management University and Hong Kong University (program and other details here). We look forward to feedback as we develop our presentation, “Private International Law and Sustainable Development: Establishing International Traceability of Critical Raw Materials Supply Chains” into a full paper that assesses and adapts models particularly from international dispute resolution (arbitral award and judgment recognition) and other international treaty regimes to facilitate recognition of CRM certificates in cross-border supply chains.

Consumer Law Compared and Refreshed

[Update of 4 December 2024: in my presentation tomorrow at the annual Australasian Consumer Law Roundtable, hosted by Deakin U in Melbourne’s CBD, I will present an updated version of my 2024 CCLJ article with Prof Souichirou Kozuka comparing consumer law administration, contracts and product safety. This will mention my Submissions (linked below) to three recent federal Treasury-led public consultations (perhaps prompted by a general election due by May 2025!) into (i) facilitating the Australian government adopting foreign standards for minimum safety of specific goods, (ii) adding civil pecuniary penalties for consumer guarantee remedies not provided by suppliers (including regarding safety, as an aspect of “acceptable quality” for goods), and (iii) a generic unfair commercial practices prohibition. Japanese consumer law has none of these features, but each raises interesting issues. Update of 6 January 2026: on the last-mentioned, see also my media commentary here.]

Yesterday (28 June 2024) I enjoyed attending the ACCC National Consumer Congress in sunny Sydney (program here). This annual invitation-only event provides an excellent opportunity to discuss cutting-edge law and policy issues with new and old colleagues working in Australian state and federal governments, consumer NGOs, businesses and academia (more limited, but I am pictured here with QUT’s Nicola Howell [expert in consumer credit, co-convenor of the academic-focused annual Consumer Law Roundtable] and Dr Catherine Niven [expert in product safety regulation, major contributor to my ARC Discovery Project on child product safety begun before the pandemic- with our last research output published in 2023 here] and Monash Em Prof Justin Malbon [co-author of my 2019 book on ASEAN Consumer Law Harmonisation, with UMelb Prof Jeannie Paterson who had to attend the Congress virtually this year]). It would be good to see more such events bringing together such stakeholders in Japan (compared with in my recent CCLJ article with Souichirou Kozuka), ASEAN and other Asian states.

The first session was on “Buying in Australia – Are We Safe?”. The answer was “No” from panellists including Catherine (except perhaps one speaker). The opening speaker gave a moving account of how long and traumatic the process was to secure a mandatory product safety standard around button batteries, which were fatally ingested by her infant Bella. Another early fatality involving Britney was highlighted in my 2020 piece for The Conversation (leading to an ABC radio interview). That related also to my then Journal of Consumer Policy article arguing that the Australian Consumer Law did need to add an EU-style “general safety provision” (GSP) to fill gaps so suppliers switched to a more pro-active approach to risk assessments to ensure only safe consumer products were put onto the market, rather than waiting for accidents or risks to be identified and then conduct “voluntary” recalls of unsafe goods (mainly then only to avoid potential product liability claims for compensation and/or adverse reputational effects). In my comments at the Congress, I mentioned that after Canada added such a requirement in 2010, its recall rates went down; and when Singapore added a partial GSP (requiring all products to comply with EU, specified American or ISO standards) there were immediately fewer unsafe toys on their market. Yet the Treasury-led Consultation in 2020 into adding a GSP has led nowhere.

As alternatives, it seems, we find from late 2021 a further Consultation about allowing foreign standards to be adopted into the ACL (which I commented was a no-brainer) and another Consultation into allowing civil penalties for suppliers not providing remedies to consumers from defective – including unsafe – products under mandatory consumer guarantees (which I suggested was rather broad-brush and indirect, compared to ex ante regulation).

I also mentioned that unfortunately the written Submissions made by myself and others to all three Consultations have still not been made public. This is also true of the 2023 Consultation into adding to the ACL a general unfair trading prohibition (as under EU, US or Singaporean law). That would go beyond existing ACL prohibitions on misleading or unconscionable conduct to better address eg “dark patterns” facilitated by new technologies (such as “subscription traps” that the ACCC CEO reiterated at the Congress remain a concern). There were moves to make public Submissions to that Consultation (including mine, reproduced here for convenience and giving as an example such a subscription trap laid by The Economist magazine) and they were disclosed from 28 June (the day after the ACCC Congress) noting “79 submissions were received for this consultation, including 8 confidential submissions”. But in principle I believe such consumer law reform consultations should automatically make public submissions unless confidentiality is requested. That is now common good practice across Australian law reform bodies, including the Productivity Commission. In the same vein, Australia’s consumer law reform agencies should publicise at least a short report stating whether and why they may not be proceeding with ACL amendments.

I ended my comments by alerting Congress attendees to new developments in the EU that intersected with concerns raised by the panelists. The new General Product Safety Regulation requires suppliers to document product risk assessments (and implement traceability measures), notify regulators of progress on recalls, set up a public complaints portal (as the US has had for over a decade, but was not recommended in the 2017 ACL Review report) and make mandatory for online platforms some requirements (like responding within set time frames to complaints about unsafe products) that larger firms had adopted voluntarily under the 2018 EU Product Safety Pledge (mirrored by Australia’s 2020 Pledge). The EU Product Safety Pledge has itself been updated, and existing firms have re-signed it, to allow eg regulators to have access to the platforms’ portals to better monitor them for unsafe products.

The EU’s Product Liability Directive, which was adopted in 1992 has also recently been revised to better address new technologies and trends. For example, Article 7 makes an online platform jointly liable for harm if it suggests to an average consumer that products are provided either by the online platform itself or by a recipient of the service who is acting under its authority or control. However a recent comparative law article that Jeannie Paterson co-authored (and I helped with) noted a risk that platforms will avoid this liability potential by website and other disclaimers about exercising control over the suppliers. The article contrasts Californian cases against Amazon and other legal concepts that go further in imposing shared liability on such platforms, including pros and cons of such initiatives.

The second Congress session was on “Justice delayed: strengthening consumer dispute resolution in Australia”. Panellists highlighted persistent problems of access to justice, focusing initially on (prolific) defective vehicles and National Disability Insurance Scheme services. Although Prof Kozuka and I also highlight problems in Japan, I think Australia can do better in various ways. For example, because of the evidentiary issues raised in tribunals or magistrates’ courts, regulators should first more pro-actively use their ACL powers since 2010 to bring representative actions against suppliers who claim for example that cars or other complex products comply with the consumer guarantee of acceptable quality, such as reasonable durability. They can also support consumer NGOs who could run such test cases (eg to to determine how long a mid-value washing machine should last) and then publicise the outcomes, to help facilitate future negotiations and settlements.

Secondly, the NSW Office of Fair Trading should actually use its powers (added before the COVID-19 pandemic) to order suppliers to compensate consumers for up to $3000 in harm caused by products not complying with consumer guarantees, and publicise this among suppliers and consumers. Other jurisdictions should add such powers too, especially as the ACL is supported to be uniform across Australia. It is true that some suppliers may contest such orders. But they will also likely do that if and when the ACL adds powers for all consumers regulators to order civil pecuniary penalties for major failures, as mooted in late 2021 Consultation (paralleled by the Productivity Commission’s recommendations from an inquiry into Rights to Repair). Decisions from tribunals and courts, even at lower levels, will help clarify the meaning of general terms like reasonable durability.

Thirdly, we should introduce effective public complaints registers across Australia. Most jurisdictions lack them. And for example the NSW register does not differentiate by sales volumes or other measures of scale, making it hard for consumers or their advisors to determine if one supplier is really better or worse than others. These and other questions were raised in a 2017 Report by the Productivity Commission and should be revisited to improve access to consumer redress (and indeed informed purchasing decisions).

The third Congress session was on “Regulating for real people: understanding consumer behaviour to drive effective markets”. In his thought-provoking introduction (kindly shared now here), Consumers Federation of Australia chair Gerard Brody highlighted observed limits even with “nudges”, for example regarding electricity contract switching, and asked why suppliers shouldn’t just promise or be required to automatically put customers on the best plan. The CEO of (peak NGO) Consumers NZ pointed out that past consumption patterns may not be a good guide. I also wonder about handing over so much power and data to suppliers, and making consumers too passive (which is partly why for unfair contract terms regulation the price and subject matter cannot be impugned: consumers are assumed to be able at least to investigate and consider those, provided these items are not presented in a misleading way). A better solution might be electricity bills that say “if you switched to our Plan B you would save $XXX dollars” and then the customer could opt-in. [Update of 4 December 2024: after a recent problem with my electricity company in NSW, which had stated something like this on their bills but in a confusing way, I now am more amenable to Gerard Brody’s suggestion for an automatic “upgrade”.]

The Consumers NZ CEO provided an update on the progression of a private Member’s Bill to introduce a right of repair for New Zealand, including around spare parts availability, and likely mandatory labelling about durability (as recommended also by the Productivity Commission’s Right to Repair report). Again, I would add that the EU provides some good lessons for the antipodes (and say Japan). In February 2024 the EU institutions reached provisional agreement to enact the Right to Repair Directive, as part a larger environmental initiative aiming to extend a product’s life cycle and support a circular economy. Relevant features compared to the ACL regime (which for example allows the supplier not consumer to chose between repair and replacement):

“The Directive will require producers to carry out repairs outside of the legal guarantee for products covered by repairability obligations under certain EU ecodesign regulations listed in an Annex … [likely beginning with] certain white goods (including household washing machines, dishwashers and refrigerators), vacuum cleaners, electronic displays, and mobile phones and tablets (among others)

… [requirements for] information on certain spare parts to appear on a website, making them available to all parties in the repair sector and preventing certain practices that can hinder repair – including contractual clauses or certain software- and hardware-related barriers

… [seemingly] loan devices to be provided to consumers while they wait for repair in certain cases and to enable a consumer to opt for a refurbished unit as an alternative

… Under the existing Sale of Goods Directive, the seller is liable to the consumer for any lack of conformity which exists at the time when the goods were delivered and which becomes apparent within two years of that time. In the event of non-conformity, the Sale of Goods Directive sets out a hierarchy of remedies, allowing consumers to initially choose between repair and replacement … to encourage consumers to choose repair over replacement, the legal guarantee under the Sale of Goods Directive would be extended by 12 months following a repair …”.

This EU development also intersects with greenwashing, and the hot topic of the last Congress session – “Lightbulb moments: bold ideas to help consumers play a meaningful role in the green transition”.

“The Interface of Inquests and Consumer Law and Policy: 2021 NSW Coronial Inquest Findings into the 2017 Death of a Honda Driver from a Takata Airbag”

Abstract: A coronial inquest is an inquisitorial fact-finding investigation into causes and manner of deaths that are eg violent, unusual, or from unknown causes. The coroner may also make recommendations to improve health and safety related to the death investigated.[1] Sometimes such inquests attract considerable media and public attention, although usually not as much as say a royal or other commission of inquiry. As such, inquests could influence the implementation or enactment of consumer product safety law. Yet there is very little research into this interface. An interesting recent case study comes from a New South Wales coronial inquest over 2019-2021 into a tragic death in July 2017 associated with Australia’s largest-ever vehicle recall, which uncovered poor practices by the manufacturer (Honda Australia) as well as the regulators.

The recall ultimately involved 3 million vehicles in Australia originally affected due to defective airbags manufactured by Japanese firm Takata, which started to explode and kill or injure drivers abroad from 2015 and ended up being subjected to a mandatory recall order issued in February 2018 by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC). By March 2021 the ACCC reported that these 3 million vehicles had been successfully recalled by manufacturers, although: “around 312,000 vehicles have been deemed to be compliant with the recall although they have not had their airbags replaced … vehicles which have been scrapped, stolen or unregistered for more than two years, or where consumers did not respond or were not contactable after repeated contacts through different channels. Globally, these Takata airbags have been associated with over 350 serious injuries and 33 deaths. This includes one death in Sydney in July 2017 and one serious injury in Darwin in April 2017. Two injuries were also reported following an accident in Sydney in August 2020.”[2]

Many problems had been increasingly highlighted by local media and consumer experts or groups[3] concerning the Takata airbag recalls process in Australia. There were also some media reports towards the start[4] and during some hearings[5] of the NSW coronial inquest into the death of Mr Huy Neng Ngo in July 2017, killed by a Takata airbag that had still not been replaced by Honda Australia.[6] Curiously, however, there has been almost no media reporting of the findings and recommendations for avoiding further deaths, released on 19 November 2021 by NSW Deputy Coroner, Magistrate E. Truscott.[7] I became aware of the extensive report recently as I had been asked by the NSW Crown Solicitors’ Office in mid-2019 to provide a witness statement to the inquest. Essentially, the report finds that the specialist regulator (DIRD transport ministry) but also the ACCC were rather asleep at the wheel in scrutinising Honda Australia’s inadequate recall notices sent out from 2015 until his death. Regulators should have done more and earlier, partly due to failures in inter-agency coordination. They and Honda Australia only seem to have started lifting their game after Mr Ngo’s death, the first in Australia.

* * *

After submitting my written statement, I was not called for oral examination at the inquest. However, the inquest findings (at pp149-53) show how I had alerted senior ACCC officials back in late 2015 that Honda Australia was sending out recall notices that I considered misleading by only referring vaguely to a “precautionary” recall and without highlighting the serious risks, even though by that stage some like myself knew that Takata airbags had caused multiple injuries and deaths abroad. (By chance, I had been following the Takata recall saga abroad as part of my longstanding research in comparative consumer product safety law and practice, and had purchased a second-hand Honda so when I got these recall letters from Honda Australia I realised they were problematic.) The deputy coroner noted eg (at p188-9):

“… The content of the consumer recall letters at least until March 2017 effectively failed to convey to the consumer the importance of the need to replace the airbag. The recall strategy failed to bring to the attention of the consumer the risk or danger that the airbag posed. That this approach continued well past the publication of the Blomquist report and that none of Honda Australia, DIRD or the ACCC sought to widen the recall strategy at this time is regrettable. Moreover, as already discussed at paragraphs [256]-[286], it is regrettable that Honda Australia, which had the primary responsibility for its voluntary campaign, did not identify that it should change its consumer recall letter and strategy well before March 2017.

645. It was a failure that the ACCC did not itself or seek DIRD to intervene in Honda Australia’s campaign approach when the opportunity arose, such as in 2015 with the NRMA and Professor Nottage communications or indeed [from 2016] in the Takata Airbag Working Group meetings.”

It was only a month after Mr Ngo’s death from the exploding Honda airbag that (pp 202-203):

“… in August 2017 the ACCC reviewed manufacturers’ language in recall notices on the PSA website, as well as more broadly in consumer communications, and took steps to develop model language to be used in connection with voluntary recall measures for Takata airbags. Although, at this point, there was not yet any compulsory recall on foot, Mr Grimwade [from the ACCC] said that “we took it upon ourselves to ensure that the language on our website was reflecting the risks as we understood them, and as they were emerging in the investigation”. Mr Grimwade accepted that ACCC officers could have, prior to 13 July 2017, usefully exchanged views in relation to the text to be used in Takata recall notices, in the manner in which they did in August 2017. He agreed that this “should have been done”.

688. Mr Grimwade’s expression that the ACCC took it upon themselves to conduct this review is somewhat odd given that he said there was no lack of clarity by the ACCC as to whose responsibility the PSA [Product Safety Australia] website was – the ACCC had sole responsibility for it at all times.

689. That the 5ZV recall used the term “precautionary” in its language on the website in the first place but continued to do up until this review is concerning as there were numerous occasions which should have or at least could have given the ACCC cause to conduct such a review, namely: (i) the 2015 NRMA letter; (ii) the late 2015 Professor Nottage correspondence; (iii) the Blomquist report [for US regulators] and NHTS orders in May 2016; (iv) the April 2017 injury causing the Toyota misdeployment in the Northern Territory together with (v) the ACCC participation in the Takata Airbags Working Group meetings from June 2016 and (vi) its close working relationship with DIRD.

690. On 5 August 2017, following receipt of responses from affected vehicle suppliers, the Minister for Small Business, Michael McCormack, issued a “Safety Warning Notice to the Public” under s 129(1) of the ACL, regarding possible risks of using motor vehicles containing Takata airbags.1037 The Safety Warning Notice warned of possible risks involved in the use of motor vehicles containing Takata airbags supplied in Australia, urged consumers to check whether their vehicle had been included in a product safety recall and advised that the ACCC was investigating whether vehicles with Takata airbags will or may cause injury.1038 Mr Grimwade advised that the purpose of a safety warning notice such as this is to “bring attention to a particular hazard through the [M]inister” and that “used sparingly… they can get quite a lot of publicity and indicate the views of government in relation to a particular hazard”.1039

691. Mr Grimwade accepted that there was an opportunity, prior to 13 July 2017, for the Minister to issue a Safety Warning Notice – such as that ultimately issued on 5 August 2017 – in respect of the risks posed in relation to the voluntary recalls of Takata airbags.1040 He accepted that there was a missed opportunity on the part of the ACCC, prior to 13 July 2017, to make a recommendation to the Minister to issue a safety warning notice in relation to the Takata airbag recalls.1041

692. If the ACCC was waiting for a risk to materialise to justify a sparingly used strategy to bring to public attention the need to respond to a recall of Takata airbags, the most obvious time that the ACCC should have approached the Minister to issue a Safety Warning Notice was in April 2017 following the Northern Territory injury.”

Some more specific findings by the deputy coroner were as follows:

1. Was there a lack of clarity and substantial confusion between ACCC and DIRD as to their respective roles in the monitoring of the Takata airbags voluntary recalls generally and specifically in regard to the 5ZV recall

Essentially yes, in that eg despite an inter-agency MoU “the ACCC did not know that DIRD did not have any process of its own in regard to the suppliers’ recall strategies nor did it know that the suppliers were not submitting their recall strategies to DIRD” (para 727). Furthermore (at p219), the coroner did not accept:

“the ACCC submissions that the ACCC had no basis to challenge or question Honda Australia’s description of the defect, hazard and risk contained in the 5ZV recall notification. It should have sought to clarify whether the defect would have the same effect and risk as other Takata airbag defects – namely the “inflator rupture causing metal fragments” to strike a vehicle occupant. Without clarifying whether the 5ZV recall involved the same hazard as then known to exist with the previous recalls, given there was no evidence suggesting that there was some other hazard, it would seem that the ACCC, DIRD and the suppliers proceeded on the basis that it was the same hazard but because the recall was classified as “precautionary” or “preventative” the hazard wasn’t appropriately described. That it was not clarified or corrected resulted in a failure to ensure that the public was adequately warned of the dangers of the defective airbags. Likewise, as previously discussed, Honda Australia failed to make due inquiry with Honda Japan in this regard though appeared to be aware that Honda Japan was using the terms preventative and precautionary as discussed above.

734. Counsel Assisting’s phrase of “lack of clarity” or “substantial confusion” is a measured term and the submissions advanced by DIRD and the ACCC demonstrate rather than diminish the disparity between the ACCC and DIRD as to their understanding of their respective roles and responsibilities when there is ample evidence that such disparity existed.”

3. Should DIRD and the ACCC have directly raised with Honda Australia that its consumer recall letters should not include tentative language such as “preventative measure” and “precautionary action” and that the letters did not clearly refer to the nature of the defect and the risk of death or injury in 2015 and 2016.

4. Should DIRD have sought from Honda Australia the 5ZV consumer recall letters.

Again, yes (p 211):

“… DIRD should have obtained at least one of the 5ZV recall letters by following up the request made in August 2015 or preferably by specifically making a new request for the 5ZV recall. Had DIRD received the 5ZV recall consumer letter/s, it appears unlikely that DIRD would have identified and taken action in respect of the issues which were concerning to Professor Nottage in late 2015 or indeed Mr Thomas in mid-2015 in relation to the letter he received for his own Honda vehicle. Those issues should have identified and been formally raised with Honda Australia. Again, whether DIRD would have done so had it obtained a copy of the 5ZV consumer letter is questionable given its position as to DIRD’s limited role and function. At the least it should have identified that the defect and risk were inadequately described in that it did not mention that metal fragments could cause injury or death to a vehicle occupant.

741. Likewise, the issues raised by Professor Nottage in 2015 should have been formally raised with Honda Australia by the ACCC or by DIRD at the request of the ACCC. There was no process in place for DIRD to be tasked with raising it directly with Honda Australia. Raising it generically in a TAWG meeting was, in the circumstances, inadequate.”

5. Should, prior to July 2017, the ACCC and/or DIRD have taken steps to publicise the risks posed by defective Takata airbags by way of its own media announcement or by co-ordinating a media campaign with the industry.

Yes (at p222-3), with the deputy coroner accepting:

“counsel for the ACCC and DIRD’s submissions that it was for the suppliers to co-ordinate and promote an advertising campaign, and though the ACCC and DIRD could encourage a wider campaign, neither agency had power to compel one. However, rather than adopting a reactive media posture which on one view could be thought to resemble a reluctance to publicise the Takata recalls, both agencies could have adopted a pro-active media posture on their own accord as well as encouraging industry, and in this case Honda Australia specifically, to engage in a public campaign.

749. Whilst the recall was voluntary and neither agency had powers to compel the industry to adopt such a strategy (in the absence of any compulsory recall then having been commenced), a supplier’s refusal or failure to engage in such a campaign strategy could have been an escalation criteria [sic] by which the agencies could measure the progress of the recall, and which may have motivated industry to engage in such a campaign. Advertising campaign aside, the MOU allowed for the joint settling of media releases issued by the ACCC or DIRD. The only media release that was prepared related to what would be issued in the event of a misdeployment event, rather than considering how the government could bring the recalls to the attention of the Australian public, for the sake of the public safety, in advance of any such incident. As Professor Nottage wrote to Mr Ridgeway at the ACCC at the end of 2015, a government media release incurred no cost. There is no good reason why DIRD and the ACCC failed to issue such a release. Likewise, there was no good reason why Honda Australia failed to do so, particularly given the scale of the recall. 

8. If the ACCC or DIRD had not missed the opportunities to bring the defect and risk of the Takata airbag to public notice, is it likely the Ngo/Chea vehicle airbag would have been replaced earlier thus preventing Mr Ngo’s death

Yes (pp225-6):

“…Ms Chea and her family did not know about the Takata airbag recall and when in March Ms Chea did learn of it having collected the registered letter, she had, within the week, booked the vehicle into Peter Warren’s service department for recall replacement. Had she learned of the defect earlier, it would appear that she would have made an earlier appointment. Likewise, had Julie Ngo been aware of the risk of the defective airbag she would have likely insisted that it be replaced on 11 July 2017. Whilst it is not possible to conclude that any action or inaction of the government agencies did contribute to Mr Ngo’s death, it is likewise not possible to conclude any action or inaction on their part did not contribute to Mr Ngo’s death.

757. Counsel for DIRD point out that Ms Chea says that she only received the March 2017 letter. That is the one she responded to. That letter had a clearer content consistent with the Blomquist Report and correctly identified the defect, hazard and risk. Had that information been contained in an earlier letter and received by Ms Chea or a family member then it is likely the Vehicle would have been booked in at an earlier time. Had there been public announcements then other persons who had received the earlier letters may have been able to identify the importance of the recall and brought it to Ms Chea’s attention.

758. As is apparent from the foregoing responses, I agree with the position advanced by Counsel Assisting. I make the finding that due to a lack of clarity and at times substantial confusion as to the respective roles of DIRD and the ACCC, together with the lack of a documented escalation process against which to monitor and advance the progress of the recall, the ACCC and DIRD inadequately administered and monitored the Takata Airbag voluntary recalls during the period July 2015 to July 2017. The inadequacy particularly arose in that there was a failure to ensure that the defect and hazard of the Takata airbag subject to the Honda Australia 5ZV recall was properly described to the Australian public on the ACCC’s PSA website, in the Honda Australia letters to consumers, or by Australian public media broadcasts in a timely and adequate manner.”

In conclusion, the deputy coroner added multiple recommendations for better monitoring of vehicle recalls in future (p226 et seq), in the context of some legislative reforms already underway.

* * *

Despite these quite critical findings and recommendations in November 2021, as of early May 2022 there seem to be no Australian newspaper reports on them, although there was some other Takata airbag fatality news in mid-2021.[8] Perhaps the lack of mainstream Australian media reporting on the inquest findings is because Mr Ngo’s death is sadly considered “old news”, and other fatalities or accidents are more widespread or vivid (especially after several years of deaths and disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic). Yet it seems important that government officials and regulatory systems are held to account, and that lessons are learned and communicated from careful inquiries like inquests in order to improve consumer product safety law and practice.

Indeed, an article published online on 9 December 2021 by a smaller journalistic outlet reported that a former ACCC official allegedly lost his job in 2018 after some of his concerns went public that the Commission was not doing enough about the Takata recall:[9]

“… Three years ago an anonymous Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) official was frogmarched out of his office — and later threatened with criminal action — after internal emails became public via a television exposé on the Takata airbag scandal.

The official was concerned the ACCC had not reacted quickly enough on the threat to public safety of the potentially deadly airbags and used its powers only after a driver was killed by shrapnel from an exploding airbag which penetrated his neck, causing him to bleed to death.

Now a coroner’s hearing has confirmed that many of the official’s warnings were on the mark. 

For one thing it means the official feels confident about revealing his identity. His name is Dean Wright. He held a senior executive level position as assistant director of the ACCC’s product safety branch and he was 52 at the time.”

“I am entirely comfortable with what I did,” Wright told Crikey. “I felt I had no choice.

“I don’t regret my part in revealing the truth about the years of dithering. I’d like to believe that the coronial court’s recommendations will save lives and prevent further horrific injuries.”

Does he feel he is owed an apology? 

“Yes. That would be the right thing to do, but more to the point the ACCC owes the public an apology for not being truthful.”

The ACCC said it did not propose to comment on Wright’s “actions or opinions”. It also said it had “identified and implemented a number of lessons drawn from the inquest” before the coroner’s report was released and was working on others.”

Meanwhile, perhaps in the light of the inquest, a class action brought in the NSW Supreme Court against Honda, Toyota, Subaru, Nissan, Mazda and BMW reached a mediated settlement in September 2021 for A$52m (including $15m for the plaintiffs’ lawyers!). A specialist media outlet report noted furthermore that:[10]

“In August, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) launched legal action against Mercedes-Benz, accusing it of minimising the risk of serious injury of death from the faulty Takata products. The ACCC alleges Mercedes-Benz staff downplayed the risks “on at least 73 occasions,” stating the recall was precautionary in nature and “there had been no incidents, accidents, injuries or deaths … at all,” despite there already having been one fatality in Australia at that time and one serious injury recorded.”

The saga therefore continues, so there may still be scope for the wider public to learn what really went on from the Takata airbag debacle, and the lessons that can be drawn more generally for consumer law and policy in Australia and beyond. There have been longstanding concerns particularly about Australia’s lack of clarity and impact of the law on recalls (and mandatory accident reporting) and insufficient coordination or leadership from the ACCC and state/territory regulators vis-a-vis specialist regulators (as pointed out eg in 2013, prompted by a problem reported regarding Volkswagen – even before its fake diesel emissions disclosure scandal).



[1] For background into the NSW law and practice around appearing in coronial inquests, see eg https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=&ved=2ahUKEwiBzo2WzdH3AhUiyzgGHT86AZUQFnoECAQQAQ&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww5.austlii.edu.au%2Fau%2Fjournals%2FNSWBarAssocNews%2F2014%2F12.pdf&usg=AOvVaw30yvr7BIPzuS0Gx25wPu3D

[2] https://www.accc.gov.au/media-release/car-manufacturers-complete-999-per-cent-of-takata-airbag-recall

[3] See eg https://www.choice.com.au/transport/cars/general/articles/unprecendented-mandatory-recall-takata-airbags-280218

[4] https://www.sbs.com.au/news/article/nsw-inquest-into-death-of-sydney-driver-to-examine-takata-airbag-risks/n4kk69rs4 and https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-09-23/faulty-takata-airbag-coroner-inquiry-death-cabramatta-man/11538628

[5] https://www.theguardian.com/business/2020/jun/22/regulators-knew-of-two-takata-accidents-before-a-sydney-mans-death-inquest-told

[6] https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/faulty-airbag-at-centre-of-recall-to-blame-for-death-of-sydney-man-20170721-gxg5yj.html

[7]  https://coroners.nsw.gov.au/coroners-court/download.html/documents/findings/2021/Inquest_into_the_death_of_Huy_Neng_Ngo_-_Findings.pdf via https://coroners.nsw.gov.au.

[8] https://www.dailytelegraph.com.au › nsw › news-story: 3 June 2021 — “The ACCC has found a third Australian was killed by a Takata airbag, raising questions about why there was not a coronial inquest.”

[9] https://www.crikey.com.au/2021/12/09/accc-whistleblower-vindicated-steps-out-of-shadows/

[10] https://www.whichcar.com.au/car-news/takata-lawsuits-in-nsw-settled-by-major-car-companies-for-52-million

Japanese and Asia-Pacific Dispute Resolution events over October 2021

Over this month I am pleased to contribute to three events regarding Asia-Pacific arbitration and dispute resolution. On 1 October, I am moderating a session on International Commercial Arbitration in Japan and Germany, at the comparative ADR conference hosted by Institute of Japanese Law at the FernUniversität in Hagen to commemorate the 30th anniversary of its online courses in Japanese law. The speakers are well-known lawyers Ms Yoshimi Ohara (Nagashima Ohno & Tsumematsu) and Dr Christian Strasser (HEUKING KÜHN LÜER WOJTEK). Other sessions compare investment treaty arbitration as well as mediation.

On 20 October I present two classes in a new postgraduate law course on international commercial arbitration developed for the University of Chile by Santiago-based lawyer and former USydney LLM student Ricardo Vasquez Urra, which we hope will be offered annually. This too draws on my recently published book on international commercial and investor-state arbitration, and parallels my co-teaching (with barrister Dr Anna Kirk) the LLM course on international commercial arbitration at the University of Auckland late last year and in 2022.

On 2 October, I present the module on consumer redress and access to justice for a new postgraduate intensive course on consumer protection developed by the University of Malaya. I highlight law and policy developments mostly by comparing Australia, Japan and Southeast Asia, building on books including ASEAN Consumer Law Cooperation and Harmonisation (CUP 2019) and Contract Law in Japan (Wolters Kluwer 2019, 2nd ed 2022), as well as other recent publications including Studies in the Contract Laws of Asia (especially Volume III, all reviewed here for the Journal of Japanese Law). We explore some law and practice around courts and tribunals, Ombudsman and related arbitration-like processes, mediation, and other processes for consumer redress.

P.S. On 26 October I also present on “Corporate Governance and Independent Directors in Southeast Asia” (focusing on Thailand and somewhat Malaysia) for a webinar on the Role of Independent Directors in Contemporary Asia, part of the Contemporary Asia International Forum Series 2021 at National (National Chung Hsing University) hosted by Professor I-Tzu (Edith) Su.

P.P.S. This marks the 250th posting on this Japanese Law and the Asia-Pacific blog, over more than a decade. Many thanks to occasional guest bloggers and all readers!

Studies in the Contract Laws of Asia (Volumes I-III of VI)

My review essay [longer manuscript here on SSRN, shorter version forthcoming in Journal of Japanese Law (end-2021)] assesses the detailed, authoritative and thought-provoking first three of six proposed volumes in the series on “Studies in the Contract Laws of Asia” published by Oxford University Press. Lead-edited by Mindy Chen-Wishart, these excellent volumes span remedies for breach (2016), formation of contract and third-party beneficiaries (2018), and contents of contracts and unfair terms (2020, thus extending to an important area of consumer law). The respective editors argue quite compellingly for significant functional convergence even among Asian legal systems from quite divergent legal traditions. However, such convergence arguably becomes less obvious especially by the third volume. The functional analysis also focuses primarily on what decisions would be rendered by courts in stylised fact scenarios rather than whether and how such outcomes are reflected in contracting practices or law reform processes. Closer examination of these aspects may make future volumes even more valuable for researchers, practitioners and policy-makers.